Vintage Posters of Ceylon

Copyright: Deborah Philip 2012

There is a Vintage Postage Exhibition on at the Barefoot Gallery at the moment. The posters belong to the collection of Anura Saparamadu, who has also published a book titled "Vintage Posters of Ceylon" in 2011. I have no idea why he is selling off his collection but prices for the originals are fantastic as they range between Rs.95,000 - 110,000 or maybe even more. However copies are available at Rs.3000 and postcard size reproductions at Rs.350 each.

It's a fascinating collection which depicts how Sri Lanka was advertised in posters for tourists, when promoting films or even as a way of getting out a message on social order. I would also have liked to see some political posters but I don't think they had any on view at the exhibition.

Anyway if you are in the area it is well worth checking out. An ideal source for the history of material culture in 20th century Sri Lanka.

My favorite poster . Badly in need of more of these now although there generally is no room for people to move into when travelling by bus!
photo copyright: Deborah Philip 2012

Copyright: Deborah Philip 2012

A Poster within a Poster: Barefoot/Author remakes a poster to advertise the exhibition. Poster actually says  "Hagenbeck's Ceylon Thee "

copyright: Deborah Philip 2012

The best part is it did become a CLASSIC!

Who will Stand in the Gap? Country underwater but the Government and the People happily swim along

A midst the troubles that Cyclone Nilam brought to the island, life in Sri Lanka continues on as usual and by usual I mean the usual nonsense of bad governance, worsening human rights and deteriorating social and economic conditions. We are true blue islanders because at the end of the day none of the events that are systematically ending the rule of law in this country affects any of us (myself included) seriously. How many of us are actually concerned about the fact that the judiciary is being crippled and we cannot expect the media in the country to report it properly because the media has been crippled and that actually happened a long time ago. Do we worry about the fact that if someone gets abducted in Sri Lanka (and as we all know abductions are not a rare occurrence over here) you probably cannot rely on the police to help solve the crime. Free education is on a downward spiral and its the Urban and Defense Ministry that continues to get the biggest share of the financial budgetary pie.

Why-o-why do we not CARE? We the public, the people of this country, the so called patriots, who carry citizenship cards and proudly proclaim that Lonely Planet has named Sri Lanka the No: 01 destination in the World to visit in 2013! Why do these issues not dominate our day to day conversations and plague our subconscious when we go to sleep. More importantly why is it that even if we talk about the issues and gripe about all the corruption and inadequate leadership we are still not motivated to personally take on the challenge of doing something to change the status quo. Instead we are happy to complain, to gripe and to draw cartoons but we are not willing to actively take a stand and fight corruption at the micro level, stand up for the rights of the poor and the downtrodden, highlight injustice and speak up against violence, intimidation and hate rhetoric that have become very much part of Sri Lanka's socio-political culture. Instead we buy into all the defamatory rubbish re-hashed by politicians and the media alike that replaces the serious issues with character assassinations and demonizes anyone or anything that stands in their path. Because we have bought into the propaganda of the powers that be, we do not even realize it, but we have begun to associate terms like 'dissent' with traitor and 'foreign conspiracies' with civil society, NGOs and people movements.

Basically we are an apathetic nation and when our apathy ends it usually takes the form of violence, racism and chauvinism  This is why we  had an ethnic conflict that begun not in 1983 but probably in 1956 and 1958 and beyond as its history spans back to the end of the 19th century and some will argue to the beginning of time. This is also why we have had two youth insurrections in the south. The boil eventually comes to ahead and then bursts and in Sri Lanka when it bursts it has so far not ushered in an era of good will and peace whatever they may have you believe. Instead it has ushered in more evil and more violence and more impunity even if it can be temporarily hidden under slogans such as "Miracle of Asia", "Suba Anagathayak" and "Land like no other".

Today the Daily Mirror and Groundviews carried Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu's article on the proposed impeachment of the Chief Justice. He points out the lack of interest the public have in issues that do not directly affect their lives.

"the public at large were unmoved by the dismantling of the Seventeenth Amendment and its unseemly replacement by the Eighteenth.  The slow death of the Thirteenth is very much on the agenda and now the possibility if not the probability of a frontal assault on founding principles of democratic governance - the separation of power and the independence of the judiciary.

It has been argued that the public-at-large is unmoved by constitutional issues or indeed any outside the cost of living that directly impacts their daily lives. The regime knows this and through its extensive apparatus of propaganda, coercion and intimidation it will have its way.

L'etat, c'est moi, - The state, it is I

It is time to show the regime otherwise and that time is surely now!"

Like he said the time is surely now but will we rise up to the challenge or will we mirror these words, written by the prophet Ezekiel for another time, place and nation but yet capable of striking a chord within me

"I looked for a man among them who would build up the wall and stand before me in the gap on behalf of the land ............ but I found none"

Nationalists and Sri Lankan History: Anagarika Dharmapala

Extract from a paper I wrote for my history class  'Evolution of Historiography in Ancient Sri Lanka". The paper in full dealt with how the History of Sri Lanka was depicted in Nationalist Discourse in the late 19th and early 20th century. However I have only reproduced the section dealing with Anagarika Dharmapala for this blog post. 

Introduction

Sri Lanka saw a significant development in the origin and spread of nationalism and nationalist ideas at the end of the 19^th century and at the beginning of the 20^th century. Nationalism can be defined as

both an ideology and a political movement which holds the nation and sovereign nation-state to be crucial indwelling values, and which manages to mobilize the political will of a people or a large section of the population[i].

copyright: Deborah Philip 2012

The idea of the nation as an imagined political community was made popular with Benedict Anderson’s treatise on it. Likewise Ernest Gellner’s opinion of nationalism as “not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness” but an invention of nations “where they do not exist” can be taken in the light of Anderson’s definition of an imagined community invented through creation and imagination[ii]. Thus the objective of this essay is to explain and analyse how Sinhalese nationalist discourse at the turn of the 20^th century depicted the history of Sri Lanka and used it to thereby create and imagine a nation, specifically a Sinhalese nation. This essay will concentrate on the writings and work of Anagarika Dharmapala, Walisinghe Harischandra, Munidasa Cumaratunga and Marie Musӕus Higgins. Their shaping and interpretation of the History of Sri Lanka formed the basis of nationalist discourse and in effect shaped the future of Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism in the country.  

Jonathan Spencer feels nationalist discourse is produced by insignificant personal that live between the cultural boundary of old and new and seek to ultimately suppress an ominously disruptive history[iii]. The problem of identity and history depends on the impact and influence of nationalist discourse which to a certain extent rests on an individual producer’s ability to produce a successful nationalist movement[iv].  This essay is finally an examination of how nationalist discourse represented history and thereby shaped a potentially unruly history into the history of a supposedly great nation.

Nationalists and the History of Sri Lanka

Until the British Colonial powers became knowledgeable about the existence of the Mahavamsa and thereafter had it translated from Pali to English in the 1830s, they believed that Sri Lanka did not have an authentic history as recorded in reliable literary sources. However George Turnour’s translation of the Mahavamsa in 1838 was to help establish it as Sri Lanka’s original historical text and contribute to the belief among both the colonizers and the colonized that the Sinhalese race had an unbroken magnificent past. British writers and later Sri Lankan writers contributed to this belief due to the way in which they narrated the history of Sri Lanka[v].  

John Plamenatz describes two types of nationalism (Western and Eastern Nationalism) and in his definition of Eastern nationalism he explains that there is an essential understanding that the standards the nation is attempting to aspire to are alien and not inherent. Hence for that reason it becomes necessary for the nation to transform itself culturally while yet maintaining a distinctive identity. This was accomplished by an attempt to revive a national culture which although progressive retains its unique character[vi]. This theoretical structure is apparent in the nationalist discourse of Sri Lanka during the late 19^th and early 20^th century. Nationalists created what they believed to be a genuine Sinhala past by linking their ideas to existing visions such as for instance the legend of Vijaya which was proved to be a most satisfactory explanation for the Aryan origins of the Sinhalese race. Oral culture and folktales were not prized as much as the Mahavamsa and with the development of archaeology the discovery of remains confirmed in the minds of nationalists and colonists that the histories narrated in the chronicles were valid[vii].

Anagarika Dharmapala: Establishing a Glorious Sinhala Past

An early Sinhala nationalist who was to have a tremendous influence on the historiography of modern Sri Lanka was Anagarika Dharmapala (1864 -1933). He considered the study of history to be essential to the expansion of a patriotic consciousness[viii]. His writings emphasize his commitment to the belief that Sri Lanka had a wonderful Sinhalese past which originated with the Buddhist religion.

Dharmapala embodies an unquestioning acceptance of the island’s mythical past as depicted in the chronicles and his depiction of Sri Lankan history according to exact dates and years illustrates his unwavering belief in the authenticity of the past. He depicts the Sinhalese as the descendants of the Aryan colonists “whose ancestors have never been conquered and in whose veins no savage blood is found”[ix]. His comparison of Sri Lanka’s ancient civilization against that of Britain, Greece and Rome find the latter three lacking in comparison[x].

Anagarika Dharmapala’s use of binary distinctions conveys his negative perceptions of non-Sinhalese such as the ‘pagan Tamils’ or the ‘European vandals’[xi]. He propagates ethnic nationalism and makes the general claim of most nationalists who say that they represent “ancient racial, religious and linguistic communities”. Anthony Smith’s argument that the root of national identities is found in the continuous bond beyond ethnic ties and sentiments is a comprehensive theme through most of Dharmapala’s writings[xii]. The idea of great and victorious past is consolidated in the history of the Sinhalese which is equal to the history of Sri Lanka. For there is “no race on this earth today [with] a more glorious, triumphant record of victory than the Sinhalese”[xiii]. Significant is also the fact that the history of Sri Lanka is not just founded on the Sinhalese race but also on the Buddhist faith, archaeological artifacts and the literary chronicles. No other nation is able to boast of such a ‘history of the island’, of such ‘a history of Religion’ and it is only the Sinhalese race which has a “Dipavansa” and a “Mahavansa”[xiv]. Dharmapala’s strives to match his exaggerated importance of the history of Sri Lanka with a 19^th century empiricist approach to history which would perhaps be a more convincing representation of the past.

Nevertheless in the process of glorifying Sri Lanka’s history Dharmapala is obviously imagining and creating a pure and honourable history in which no blood was shed or cattle killed due to the superior influence of Buddhism. Good kings such as Gamini, Buddhadasa and Parakramabahu were Aryan Sinhalese who were able to preserve the splendid inheritance of their Aryan past[xv]. Interesting is the fact that although Dharmapala wholeheartedly condemns the foreign conquerors (i.e Portuguese, Dutch and the British) who contaminated and contributed to the decline of the Sinhalese nation he subscribes to the Aryan theory which was introduced by the British Colonial powers. According to R.A.L.H Gunewardana, by the beginning of the 20^th century the Aryan theory was very much a part of Sri Lanka’s intellectual baggage. 19^th Century British historiography played a considerable part in influencing the writing of history at this time and the Aryan theory which posited the Sinhalese as superior to the Tamils in language and race was to thereby ensure a significant following among producers of Sinhala nationalist histories[xvi]. Dharmapala's discourse on Sri Lankan history illustrates a process of inclusion and exclusion where the non-Sinhalese, non-Buddhist are evil outsiders who ruined the pure and magnificent Sinhalese past. A return to Buddhist principles – Buddhism being the “religion of the conqueror”-  is the only way in which the nation can be restored to an era reminiscent of its splendid historical past[xvii]

[xviii][xix]

---

[i] Lloyd Kramer, ‘Historical Narratives and the Meaning of Nationalism’, Journal of the History of Ideas, vol.58, no.3, (1997), pp.525-526

[ii] Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, London. New York, Verso, 2006, p.6

[iii] Jonathan Spencer, ‘Writing Within: Anthropology, Nationalism and Culture in Sri Lanka’, Current Anthropology , vol.31.no.3 (1990), p.287

[iv] Ibid

[v] Nira Wickremasinghe, Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: a History of Contested Identities,  Sri Lanka, Vijitha Yapa Publications, 2006, pp.88-89

[vi] Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse?, Tokyo, Zed Books, 1986, p.2

[vii] Wickremasinghe, p.89

[viii] Anagarika Dharmapala, Return to Righteousness, Ananda W.P Guruge (ed), Ceylon, 1965, p.506

[ix] Ibid, p.479

[x] Ibid, p.479-480

[xi] Ibid

[xii] Kramer, p.540

[xiii] Dharmapala, p.481

[xiv] Ibid

[xv] Ibid, pp.489 - 496

[xvi] Marisa Angell, ‘Understanding the Aryan Theory’ in  (eds) Mithran Tiruchelvan and Dattathreya. C.S, Culture and Politics of Identity in Sri Lanka,Colombo, ICES, 1998, pp.49 - 63

[xvii] Dharmapala, pp.482-489

[xviii][xviii]

[xix]

The Mahiyangana Raja Maha Vihara

The Mahiyangana Temple believed to be the first place that the Gautama Buddha visited in Sri Lanka. Took this photo on a field trip to the East at the beginning of the year.

Save State Education in Sri Lanka: The FUTA Rally on the 23rd of August 2012

Mr. Bala Tampoe at 90

Ishan's dad adds his name to the petition to save Sri Lankan Universities

more signatories

Student hostels were closed down by the government prior to the rally probably as part of their effort to restrict student participation on the 23rd

Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero

When the rains came down the umbrellas also came out

Looks like every cloud does have its silver lining

The Union Place road was closed down

Martine Franck: 3rd April 1938 - 16th August 2012

The photographer Martine Franck has died. She was also the wife of Henri Cartier-Bresson. Here are some of her photos from the Magnum Website.

Michal Foucault

Snow White produced by the Wendy Dance Studio

Some photos from Wendy Perera's ballet production Snow White which went on board at the Lionel Wendt on the 19th and 20th of May 2012.

Perpetrators in a Genocide Part II: Female Perpetrators in the Nazi Holocaust

Various debates surround the definition of women perpetrators in the Third Reich.  The issue of female perpetrators was a topic which was hardly investigated initially. The women who were accused of committing atrocities used their gender to argue that due to their inferior status men had exploited them thereby portraying themselves as hapless victims in a male dominated system. Alas in the courtroom trials and through the media the Nazi female perpetrators were

“stereotyped and demonised as complete deviations from femininity and exceptional ‘female brutes’, e.g., Ilse Koch, ‘the witch from Buchenwald’, Carmen Maria Mory, ‘the devil’ of Ravensbr¨uck, or Herta Oberheuser, ‘the sadist of Ravensbr¨uck”[1]

As a result of such characterizations large numbers of female perpetrators went un-noticed because the rest of society was able to represent itself as ordinary and blameless citizens[2]. Subsequently however an increasing awareness into the issue of women and the Holocaust opened up more research into the topic of female perpetrators and created a dispute among feminist historians on the different approaches by which to interpret this topic[3]. 

There are three approaches which have dealt with female perpetrators in National Socialism. Firstly there is the theory that both men and women shared the responsibility as joint perpetrators during the Holocaust[4]. The author Claudia Koonz advocated this idea but she implicated not only the women who belonged to Nazi organizations and were the wives of SS men in her classification of female perpetrators but she also included ordinary mothers and wives in Nazi Germany on the basis that they it was they who created the impression of normality in their homes. By doing this she argued that “wives gave individual men who confronted daily murder a safe place where they could be respected for what they were, not what they did”[5]. Koonz’s description of female perpetrators was found to be problematic and she was criticised for such a classification but as a result of her views significant questions were raised about the role women played in Nazi Germany[6]. The Nazi definition of the home itself was problematic as during the time of the Second World War women were expected to conform to their traditional role in the home, yet home was redefined by one woman writer as anyplace where the nation of Germany required the services of women[7]. Gisela Bock however chose to absolve wives and mothers of liability for the crimes of the Nazis. She felt that it was the women who fulfilled non-traditional roles outside the home who were responsible for Nazi crimes[8]. However the most significant method by which to approach this topic is to consider women as implementers of National Socialist policies on their own incentive and not simply conformers to the strategies of men[9]. 

Auschwitz-Birkenau Concentration Camp

Research done on concentration camps and the euthanasia killings made the role that women played in such crimes more visible. Directly or indirectly women who were nurses, doctors and midwives carried out the murder of innocent persons. Infamous concentration camps such as Auschwitz-Birkenau, Dachau and Bergen-Belsen and camps such as Ravensbr¨uck, specifically created for women, employed women in roles ranging from camp guards to cooks.  It is estimated that 10 percent, which was a total of 3500 camp guards, were women. Such individuals terrorized and murdered victims[10]. They were not forced to do so and the evidence of a Jewish survivor Rena Kornreich Gelissen highlights the fact that female perpetrators had the space to make their own decisions and did not simply follow orders. Rena Gelissen was among the first transport of women to arrive in Auschwitz and the only survivor from the first transport to have written about her experience. In her recollections of life at the camp she describes an incident where an SS woman threw her cap over a boundary in the camp which the inmates were prohibited from crossing. The SS woman had a German Shepard dog with her and she called a young Jewish girl of about 20 years of age to go and pick up the cap. When the young girl crossed the boundary the SS woman let the dog loose and said “go, get her”. The dog tore the girl apart and Rena recalled that the SS woman had a smile of satisfaction on her face. Rena said that she recollected this story in order to emphasize the fact that there was nobody standing there and giving orders. The women perpetrators were not simply passive but active participants in the process.[11].

In the women’s camp at Auschwitz among the SS women supervisors Margot Drexler and Maria Mandel are said to have been renowned for their brutal treatment of the female prisoners. Such viciousness was extraordinary even by the standards of Auschwitz[12]. Gudrun Schwarz, like Koonz, claims that the 240,000 women married to SS men were direct perpetrators due to the stable emotional and domestic setting they provided for their husbands who committed atrocities. Certain wives of Gestapo and SS men voluntarily participated in killings and female perpetrators were as efficient as their male colleagues in ensuring that Nazi ideology was implemented[13].

---

[1] Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann. Ordinary People as Mass murderers, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p.29

[2] Ibid

[3] Ibid, p.41

[4] Christina Herkommer, ‘ Women under National Socialism: Women’s Scope for Action and the Issue of Gender’ in Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann (eds). Ordinary People as Mass murderers, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, p.103

[5] Vandana Joshi, Gender and Power in the Third Reich, female denouncers and the Third Reich, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, p.5-6

[6] Ibid, p.6

[7] Charu Gupta, P’olitics of Gender: Women in Nazi Genocide’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol.26.17 (1991) p.43

[8] Ibid.

[9] Herkommer, p.103

[10] Jensen and Szejnmann, p.42

[11] Part IV: Rena’s Promise, A talk with the 716 Woman in Auschwitz from the first transport of women, dir. unknown, Salem College, 1994.

[12] Yisrael Gutman and Michael Berenbaum. Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Press, 1998  P.396

[13] Szejnmann, p.42

Perpetrators in a Genocide Part I: The Thought Patterns and Actions of Perpetrators in the Nazi Holocaust

Ever since I took Dr. Shannon Woodcock's class on Genocides and the Holocaust I have developed an interest in the psychology of bystanders and perpetrators not only in a genocide but in any given situation be it civil war or your next door neighbour trying to beat up his servant. The way we humans react in such situations, makes for a fascinating study of why atrocities are ultimately committed. In a sense I think we all at some point in our lives could possibly fulfill either a bystander or perpetrator role or perhaps even both. The following article is an extract from an essay I wrote for my Genocides class. 

from
http://www.shunpiking.com/ol0207/0207-ESTS-Naziinns.htm

Introduction                                                                 

The study and discussion of genocides, mass murders or any such acts of terror or torture generally give rise to a whole host of questions and problems in the minds of the people studying such subjects. Perhaps the most common question that arises would be how any human being could commit such a horrendous action against a fellow human being[1]. According to the social psychologists Vohs and Baumeister there is no simple answer to such a question which is probably the reason why a vast amount of research has been carried out in order to understand the thought patterns and actions of perpetrators who commit human atrocities[2].  Thus the aim of this essay is to codify theories and ideas on perpetrator psychology and behaviour in order to better understand why groups of people are able to commit such acts of violence against other groups of people. However the scope of the essay will be limited to examining the actions and behaviour of perpetrators in Nazi Germany and the occupied territories during the Holocaust. 

Theories on perpetrator behaviour and actions

Ervin Staub examines the psychological as well as socio-cultural origins of perpetrators that ultimately fuelled the Holocaust. He bases his research on the assumption that violence is directed against groups of people because to an extent the psychological bases of mistreatment are shared in life conditions and culture[7]. One such reason for psychological mistreatment would be in-group and out-group differentiation which creates an 'us and them' mentality. Generally the out-group is devalued and the in-group holds them responsible for their problems while also viewing them as an obstacle to the fulfilment of their ideology. In-group and out-group separation is also maintained because of fear of the unknown and the fact that categorization is a successful method by which the human mind understands and remembers us and them. However it is important to understand that in order for devaluation to influence violence it needs to exist under a particular set of conditions[8].

 Staub also argues that out-groups are also mistreated because of traumatic social conditions that are probable causes for the abuse of out-groups. So for instance if an individual feels that their physical or material safety is at risk this could give rise to the desire to harm others while ensuring one’s own protection, which would ultimately result in aggression. This can be seen in the example of Germany after the First World War. Economic and political turmoil endangered the survival of the German people thereby harming their idea of themselves both as individuals and as a collective[9]. Complex life circumstances also means that the victims will be made into scapegoats as it helps those who belong to the in-group to absolve themselves of responsibility for their own problems. It also unfortunately unifies people against the “scapegoated other”. Jews were therefore the cause of problems in Germany.[10]

 Thirdly Staub felt that ideology was an essential part of impacting the way humans interacted with each other. Nazi ideology viewed certain groups as an obstacle to their goal for a pure race and was willing to obliterate anybody who hindered their goal for racial purity. The Jews contaminated their plan for a pure race and had to be therefore obliterated from the face of the earth[11]. Likewise the Nazi’s viewed themselves as the victims and felt that they had to protect themselves and their community from the Jews by striking pre-emptively[12].

Also by classifying the Jews as a different race and as the ‘other’ the Nazis were able to first distance themselves psychologically from the Jews and then consequentially dehumanize and depersonalize them[13]. The fact that German society had a history of anti-Semitism (the language of Martin Luther when describing Jews is similar to the way in which Hitler referred to them) made it a socio-cultural structure within the nation[14]. Other cultural characteristics that have been identified as significant to comprehending the mindset of perpetrators of genocide in Germany would be a strong willingness to obey authority and a “monolithic culture” which was limited in its ideas and values thereby making it more likely to accept harmful definitions of out-groups or victims[15]. Hannah Arndt delved more into the concept of obedience in the Nazi State with what she termed was “the banality of evil”. According to Arndt, Adolf Eichmann was an ordinary citizen but his intense obedience to Hitler made it impossible for him to think for himself[16]. Arndt’s studies marked a shift in research on dysfunctional personalities as perpetrators of atrocities to the understanding that normal people were involved in perpetuating genocide[17]. The famous experiment by Stanley Miligram also furthered the viewpoint that ordinary people could carry out atrocities when they believed they were following the orders of legitimate authorities[18].

The actions of perpetrators are linked to thought patterns and a mindset that advocate their actions as correct and justifiable. Freedman and Fraser have explained that people first comply with small requests and as they continue to do so their attitudes towards their own actions and themselves change. This makes them more likely to carry out requests that they may not have done so if asked at the beginning[19]. Staub calls it “learning by doing” and his description of the “ continuum of destruction” highlight the fact that long before genocidal leaders come to power  the steps towards violent aggression have already been taken[20]. Similarly the Holocaust was also facilitated by the huge bureaucracy of the Nazi political system. Personal connections with the victims were forbidden and the gas chambers exterminated people in huge numbers. This made it possible for the killers to deny responsibility for what they had done[21].

---

[1] Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann. Ordinary People as Mass murderers, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p.8

[2] Ibid

[7][7] Ervin Staub, ‘The Psychology of Perpetrators and Bystanders’, Political Psychology vol 6. No.1 (1985), p.63

[8] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Perpetrators and Bystanders’, pp 63-66.

[9] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Perpetrators and Bystanders’, pp.63-68

[10] Ervin Staub, ‘The Psychology of Bystanders, Perpetrators, and Heroic Helpers’ in Leonard S. Newman and Ralph Erber (eds) Understanding Genocide: The Social Psychology of the Holocaust, Oxford University Press. 2002, p.19

[11] Ibid, pp. 63-69

[12] Kristen R. Monroe, ‘Cracking the Code of Genocide: The Moral Psychology of Rescuers, Bystanders, and Nazis during the Holocaust’, Political Psychology Vol.29.no.5 (2008), p.712-13

[13] Monroe, p.729

[14] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Bystanders, Perpetrators, and Heroic Helpers’ p.15

[15] Ibid, p.16

[16]  Jensen and Szejnmann. p.33

[17] Ron Dudai, ‘Understanding perpetrators in genocides and mass atrocities’, The British Journal of Sociology  vol 57. No.4 (2006) p.700

[18] Stephen Reicher and Alex Haslam, ‘The Banality of Evil thoughts on the psychology of atrocity’, Anthropology News vol.45.no.6(2004), p.14

[19]  Martha Cottam et al, Introduction to Political Psychology, Mahwah, New Jersey, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2004, p.242

[20] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Bystanders, Perpetrators, and Heroic Helpers’, pp.22-23

[21] Cottam, p.244