Things Fall Apart

a history of ideas - mainly my ideas

Friday, August 24, 2012

Save State Education in Sri Lanka: The FUTA Rally on the 23rd of August 2012


Mr. Bala Tampoe at 90

Ishan's dad adds his name to the petition to save Sri Lankan Universities
more signatories

Student hostels were closed down by the government prior to the rally probably as part of their effort to restrict student participation on the 23rd




Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero

When the rains came down the umbrellas also came out

Looks like every cloud does have its silver lining






The Union Place road was closed down

Monday, August 20, 2012

Martine Franck: 3rd April 1938 - 16th August 2012

The photographer Martine Franck has died. She was also the wife of Henri Cartier-Bresson. Here are some of her photos from the Magnum Website.

Michal Foucault



Thursday, August 16, 2012

Snow White produced by the Wendy Dance Studio

Some photos from Wendy Perera's ballet production Snow White which went on board at the Lionel Wendt on the 19th and 20th of May 2012.












Tuesday, August 14, 2012

Perpetrators in a Genocide Part II: Female Perpetrators in the Nazi Holocaust


Various debates surround the definition of women perpetrators in the Third Reich.  The issue of female perpetrators was a topic which was hardly investigated initially. The women who were accused of committing atrocities used their gender to argue that due to their inferior status men had exploited them thereby portraying themselves as hapless victims in a male dominated system. Alas in the courtroom trials and through the media the Nazi female perpetrators were

“stereotyped and demonised as complete deviations from femininity and exceptional ‘female brutes’, e.g., Ilse Koch, ‘the witch from Buchenwald’, Carmen Maria Mory, ‘the devil’ of Ravensbr¨uck, or Herta Oberheuser, ‘the sadist of Ravensbr¨uck”[1]

As a result of such characterizations large numbers of female perpetrators went un-noticed because the rest of society was able to represent itself as ordinary and blameless citizens[2]. Subsequently however an increasing awareness into the issue of women and the Holocaust opened up more research into the topic of female perpetrators and created a dispute among feminist historians on the different approaches by which to interpret this topic[3]

There are three approaches which have dealt with female perpetrators in National Socialism. Firstly there is the theory that both men and women shared the responsibility as joint perpetrators during the Holocaust[4]. The author Claudia Koonz advocated this idea but she implicated not only the women who belonged to Nazi organizations and were the wives of SS men in her classification of female perpetrators but she also included ordinary mothers and wives in Nazi Germany on the basis that they it was they who created the impression of normality in their homes. By doing this she argued that “wives gave individual men who confronted daily murder a safe place where they could be respected for what they were, not what they did”[5]. Koonz’s description of female perpetrators was found to be problematic and she was criticised for such a classification but as a result of her views significant questions were raised about the role women played in Nazi Germany[6]. The Nazi definition of the home itself was problematic as during the time of the Second World War women were expected to conform to their traditional role in the home, yet home was redefined by one woman writer as anyplace where the nation of Germany required the services of women[7]. Gisela Bock however chose to absolve wives and mothers of liability for the crimes of the Nazis. She felt that it was the women who fulfilled non-traditional roles outside the home who were responsible for Nazi crimes[8]. However the most significant method by which to approach this topic is to consider women as implementers of National Socialist policies on their own incentive and not simply conformers to the strategies of men[9]

Auschwitz-Birkenau Concentration Camp
Research done on concentration camps and the euthanasia killings made the role that women played in such crimes more visible. Directly or indirectly women who were nurses, doctors and midwives carried out the murder of innocent persons. Infamous concentration camps such as Auschwitz-Birkenau, Dachau and Bergen-Belsen and camps such as Ravensbr¨uck, specifically created for women, employed women in roles ranging from camp guards to cooks.  It is estimated that 10 percent, which was a total of 3500 camp guards, were women. Such individuals terrorized and murdered victims[10]. They were not forced to do so and the evidence of a Jewish survivor Rena Kornreich Gelissen highlights the fact that female perpetrators had the space to make their own decisions and did not simply follow orders. Rena Gelissen was among the first transport of women to arrive in Auschwitz and the only survivor from the first transport to have written about her experience. In her recollections of life at the camp she describes an incident where an SS woman threw her cap over a boundary in the camp which the inmates were prohibited from crossing. The SS woman had a German Shepard dog with her and she called a young Jewish girl of about 20 years of age to go and pick up the cap. When the young girl crossed the boundary the SS woman let the dog loose and said “go, get her”. The dog tore the girl apart and Rena recalled that the SS woman had a smile of satisfaction on her face. Rena said that she recollected this story in order to emphasize the fact that there was nobody standing there and giving orders. The women perpetrators were not simply passive but active participants in the process.[11].

In the women’s camp at Auschwitz among the SS women supervisors Margot Drexler and Maria Mandel are said to have been renowned for their brutal treatment of the female prisoners. Such viciousness was extraordinary even by the standards of Auschwitz[12]. Gudrun Schwarz, like Koonz, claims that the 240,000 women married to SS men were direct perpetrators due to the stable emotional and domestic setting they provided for their husbands who committed atrocities. Certain wives of Gestapo and SS men voluntarily participated in killings and female perpetrators were as efficient as their male colleagues in ensuring that Nazi ideology was implemented[13].


[1] Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann. Ordinary People as Mass murderers, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p.29
[2] Ibid
[3] Ibid, p.41
[4] Christina Herkommer, ‘ Women under National Socialism: Women’s Scope for Action and the Issue of Gender’ in Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann (eds). Ordinary People as Mass murderers, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, p.103
[5] Vandana Joshi, Gender and Power in the Third Reich, female denouncers and the Third Reich, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, p.5-6
[6] Ibid, p.6
[7] Charu Gupta, P’olitics of Gender: Women in Nazi Genocide’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol.26.17 (1991) p.43
[8] Ibid.
[9] Herkommer, p.103
[10] Jensen and Szejnmann, p.42
[11] Part IV: Rena’s Promise, A talk with the 716 Woman in Auschwitz from the first transport of women, dir. unknown, Salem College, 1994.
[12] Yisrael Gutman and Michael Berenbaum. Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Press, 1998  P.396
[13] Szejnmann, p.42

Perpetrators in a Genocide Part I: The Thought Patterns and Actions of Perpetrators in the Nazi Holocaust

Ever since I took Dr. Shannon Woodcock's class on Genocides and the Holocaust I have developed an interest in the psychology of bystanders and perpetrators not only in a genocide but in any given situation be it civil war or your next door neighbour trying to beat up his servant. The way we humans react in such situations, makes for a fascinating study of why atrocities are ultimately committed. In a sense I think we all at some point in our lives could possibly fulfill either a bystander or perpetrator role or perhaps even both. The following article is an extract from an essay I wrote for my Genocides class. 

from
http://www.shunpiking.com/ol0207/0207-ESTS-Naziinns.htm











Introduction                                                                 
The study and discussion of genocides, mass murders or any such acts of terror or torture generally give rise to a whole host of questions and problems in the minds of the people studying such subjects. Perhaps the most common question that arises would be how any human being could commit such a horrendous action against a fellow human being[1]. According to the social psychologists Vohs and Baumeister there is no simple answer to such a question which is probably the reason why a vast amount of research has been carried out in order to understand the thought patterns and actions of perpetrators who commit human atrocities[2].  Thus the aim of this essay is to codify theories and ideas on perpetrator psychology and behaviour in order to better understand why groups of people are able to commit such acts of violence against other groups of people. However the scope of the essay will be limited to examining the actions and behaviour of perpetrators in Nazi Germany and the occupied territories during the Holocaust. 

Theories on perpetrator behaviour and actions
Ervin Staub examines the psychological as well as socio-cultural origins of perpetrators that ultimately fuelled the Holocaust. He bases his research on the assumption that violence is directed against groups of people because to an extent the psychological bases of mistreatment are shared in life conditions and culture[7]. One such reason for psychological mistreatment would be in-group and out-group differentiation which creates an 'us and them' mentality. Generally the out-group is devalued and the in-group holds them responsible for their problems while also viewing them as an obstacle to the fulfilment of their ideology. In-group and out-group separation is also maintained because of fear of the unknown and the fact that categorization is a successful method by which the human mind understands and remembers us and them. However it is important to understand that in order for devaluation to influence violence it needs to exist under a particular set of conditions[8].

 Staub also argues that out-groups are also mistreated because of traumatic social conditions that are probable causes for the abuse of out-groups. So for instance if an individual feels that their physical or material safety is at risk this could give rise to the desire to harm others while ensuring one’s own protection, which would ultimately result in aggression. This can be seen in the example of Germany after the First World War. Economic and political turmoil endangered the survival of the German people thereby harming their idea of themselves both as individuals and as a collective[9]. Complex life circumstances also means that the victims will be made into scapegoats as it helps those who belong to the in-group to absolve themselves of responsibility for their own problems. It also unfortunately unifies people against the “scapegoated other”. Jews were therefore the cause of problems in Germany.[10]

 Thirdly Staub felt that ideology was an essential part of impacting the way humans interacted with each other. Nazi ideology viewed certain groups as an obstacle to their goal for a pure race and was willing to obliterate anybody who hindered their goal for racial purity. The Jews contaminated their plan for a pure race and had to be therefore obliterated from the face of the earth[11]. Likewise the Nazi’s viewed themselves as the victims and felt that they had to protect themselves and their community from the Jews by striking pre-emptively[12].

Also by classifying the Jews as a different race and as the ‘other’ the Nazis were able to first distance themselves psychologically from the Jews and then consequentially dehumanize and depersonalize them[13]. The fact that German society had a history of anti-Semitism (the language of Martin Luther when describing Jews is similar to the way in which Hitler referred to them) made it a socio-cultural structure within the nation[14]. Other cultural characteristics that have been identified as significant to comprehending the mindset of perpetrators of genocide in Germany would be a strong willingness to obey authority and a “monolithic culture” which was limited in its ideas and values thereby making it more likely to accept harmful definitions of out-groups or victims[15]. Hannah Arndt delved more into the concept of obedience in the Nazi State with what she termed was “the banality of evil”. According to Arndt, Adolf Eichmann was an ordinary citizen but his intense obedience to Hitler made it impossible for him to think for himself[16]. Arndt’s studies marked a shift in research on dysfunctional personalities as perpetrators of atrocities to the understanding that normal people were involved in perpetuating genocide[17]. The famous experiment by Stanley Miligram also furthered the viewpoint that ordinary people could carry out atrocities when they believed they were following the orders of legitimate authorities[18].

The actions of perpetrators are linked to thought patterns and a mindset that advocate their actions as correct and justifiable. Freedman and Fraser have explained that people first comply with small requests and as they continue to do so their attitudes towards their own actions and themselves change. This makes them more likely to carry out requests that they may not have done so if asked at the beginning[19]. Staub calls it “learning by doing” and his description of the “ continuum of destruction” highlight the fact that long before genocidal leaders come to power  the steps towards violent aggression have already been taken[20]. Similarly the Holocaust was also facilitated by the huge bureaucracy of the Nazi political system. Personal connections with the victims were forbidden and the gas chambers exterminated people in huge numbers. This made it possible for the killers to deny responsibility for what they had done[21].


[1] Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann. Ordinary People as Mass murderers, Great Britain, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p.8
[2] Ibid
[7][7] Ervin Staub, ‘The Psychology of Perpetrators and Bystanders’, Political Psychology vol 6. No.1 (1985), p.63
[8] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Perpetrators and Bystanders’, pp 63-66.
[9] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Perpetrators and Bystanders’, pp.63-68
[10] Ervin Staub, ‘The Psychology of Bystanders, Perpetrators, and Heroic Helpers’ in Leonard S. Newman and Ralph Erber (eds) Understanding Genocide: The Social Psychology of the Holocaust, Oxford University Press. 2002, p.19
[11] Ibid, pp. 63-69
[12] Kristen R. Monroe, ‘Cracking the Code of Genocide: The Moral Psychology of Rescuers, Bystanders, and Nazis during the Holocaust’, Political Psychology Vol.29.no.5 (2008), p.712-13
[13] Monroe, p.729
[14] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Bystanders, Perpetrators, and Heroic Helpers’ p.15
[15] Ibid, p.16
[16]  Jensen and Szejnmann. p.33
[17] Ron Dudai, ‘Understanding perpetrators in genocides and mass atrocities’, The British Journal of Sociology  vol 57. No.4 (2006) p.700
[18] Stephen Reicher and Alex Haslam, ‘The Banality of Evil thoughts on the psychology of atrocity’, Anthropology News vol.45.no.6(2004), p.14
[19]  Martha Cottam et al, Introduction to Political Psychology, Mahwah, New Jersey, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2004, p.242
[20] Staub, ‘The Psychology of Bystanders, Perpetrators, and Heroic Helpers’, pp.22-23
[21] Cottam, p.244

Monday, August 13, 2012

Lionel Wendt in Popular Limerick

Lionel Wendt photographed by  W.J.G Beling probably during the 1930s  in Colombo, Ceylon
(writer's private collection. All Rights Reserved)

My 93 year old grand-aunt, [Kathleen Deutrom], is a wealth of information and a walking encyclopedia in her own right. In the middle of a conversation she might suddenly break off into a  poem or verse which she remembers from her youth. Yesterday she provided me with a little gem of a limerick on Lionel Wendt (1900 - 1944), Sri Lanka's art connoisseur par excellence during the early 20th century. According to Aunty Kathleen this appeared in the papers a long time ago. My guess is that it was perhaps published during Wendt's lifetime as its tongue in cheek lyrics seem to suggest. I am not sure how the original was spelled so have taken the added liberty of writing it the way I think it may have been originally written. 

Lionel went to the cinema to witness Citizen Kane
Lionel went not only once he also went again
Lionel went on business and not on pleasure bent
I'm sure the new Olympia is glad that Lionel Wendt

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